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Book Review Pages

The Kathmandu Post Review of Books

14 March, 1999
Vol. 3, No. 22
Issue Coordinator: Anil Bhattarai

Produced by
Martin Chautari for
CSRD and The Kathmandu Post

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Contents of this Issue


Essay

Reviews


Growing Food Insecurity in Kathmandu Valley

Jagannath Adhikari

Recent demographic projections indicate that one third of Asia's, two-thirds of Latin America's and one half of Africa's population will live in cities by the turn of the century. n Nepal also, the growth rate of urban population has been very rapid. Urban areas now contain 12 % of the population, which grew by 3.4 % per year in the 1980s. In the Kathmandu Metropolis, the population growth rate was 6 % per year from 1981 to 1991. The main reason for the increase in urban population is the rural-urban migration for employment opportunities. Accordingly, the fundamental problems of rural areas like malnutrition and hunger have also shifted to urban areas.

Increase in population in cities alone is not the cause of food insecurity and urban hunger. They are the expressions of underlying economic, political and cultural structures and processes with historical roots. World economic forces of globalization in trade and the institution of free market have shaped urban processes in recent times. Governments in countries like Nepal have been responding to these forces by withdrawing support for public welfare and by enhancing the role of private sector. The bilateral and multilateral donor agencies like IMF and World Bank are pushing the developing countries like Nepal toward that direction. This was the main aim of the 'structural adjustment program', which has been pursued in Nepal in a big way since the reinstatement of democracy in 1990. As a result, the price of basic food items and utilities has been rising rapidly, further accentuating the livelihood problems of people living on the margin.

A.K. Sen in his Poverty and Famines (1981), has demonstrated that even when food is locally available, as is usually the case in urban areas, people can be exposed to hunger and starvation since low purchasing power and limited resources for the poor are constraining their access (entitlements) to food. This approach expands the conceptual understanding concerning the scope of food systems by integrating the spheres of food production, food exchanges, and food consumption.

Kathmandu valley now heavily depends on India for the supply of food items: cereals, vegetables and fruits. This dependency has been rapidly growing since the 1970s. Until the early 1950s, Kathmandu valley was largely self-sufficient in food grains even though instances of food imports from Tarai and other parts of Nepal, particularly central Nepal, for feeding the military or to meet the demand for luxury food by the elite were also recorded. In the period from the 1950s to the 1970s, Kathmandu depended mainly on Tarai for food supply, mainly of rice. Food trade (i.e., imports and distribution) is controlled by relatively a few businessmen. The supply of food grains through government channels like Nepal Food Corporation constitutes only about 5 % of the total food supplied. The danger of this situation is that the imperfect market institutions that prevail in Nepal (and in India on which Nepal's dependency has been growing) can cause food shortages or price increase making the poor city-dwellers vulnerable to hunger or malnutrition. This possibility is clearly illustrated from occasional artificial food shortages, fluctuations in prices and deterioration in food quality witnessed by Kathmanduities.

As the food security implies sufficient food for all and at all times, the study on this aspect should be extended down to the household level and, if possible, to the individual level. The need for the latter arises because of the intra-household differences in the distribution of food and resources. Moreover, food security studies should mostly concentrate on the poorer or weaker sections of the society (remote region, urban poor, low caste, women, low income group, old persons and children) as these are the groups likely to be affected most by food insecurity. Once their food requirements have been fulfilled, it can reasonably be said that food security has been fulfilled.

This author has conducted a study on the food-security situations in urban areas in Kathmandu vally. The study was focused on the analysis of food supply and consumption patterns at the household level in different settlements. For the intra-household allocation of food and resources, the study was based on observation and informal discussion as it was found difficult to get information on an individual basis. As households are those of city-dwellers with no, or less, farming opportunities, it was necessary to examine the income pattern, expenses on food items, and consumption pattern. The study revealed that households in poorer neighborhoods spend, on average, 77 % of their income on food. The same figure in some middle-class neighborhoods was estimated as 46 %. The main determinants of success or failure of households in food-security are found to be the family structure (size and chronic sickness) and education. Families that are smaller tend to be relatively better off in terms of food consumption. Similarly, families having chronically ill member(s) are found to face problems in meeting food requirements. Families with higher level of education are also found to have more income, small family size and to be relatively free from effects of chronic disease among the young members.

Another aspect of urbanization affecting the food security was the pollution. The general environmental problems in Kathmandu have severe consequences for food security. The pollution adversely affects the health of people, especially those involved in informal sector. Due to growing expenses for medicine, income to buy food has been reduced among the poorer families. Moreover, families in poorer communities with chronically sick members had lower income.

Pollution also affects the food security by reducing the quality of food. Pollutants in air, water and soil enter the food chain, and then ultimately reach the human body. Food and water in Kathmandu are found to contain various poisonous chemicals like DDT, BHC, Nitrates, Parathion and Fenitrothin, and heavy metals like lead and chromium, at a proportion higher than the acceptable level. It may be due to the compound effects of less food and exposure to pollution (because of involvement in informal sector like street vending, rickshaw and Thela pushing, factory work, driving and the like) that the families in poorer communities suffer from higher incidence of diseases. In two of the squatter settlements studied, 45 % of the families had chronically sick members and they were suffering from diseases like tuberculosis, respiratory diseases, paralysis, birth defects and stunted growth. The nature of diseases clearly points to the fact that exposure to pollution and low nutritional intake, are the major causes of the diseases.

This clearly points to the urgency in providing welfare supports to poorer sections, and in redesigning the development strategies to reduce burdens on low-income families. Total reliance on market forces has adversely affected the poorer section of the society by way of increase in prices of basic commodities, deterioration in the quality of food items, decline in wages, and pollution. Globalization of the economy is also one of the causes of increase in prices of basic commodities, which has direct bearing on food security. Even though people in the government (who were once staunch supporter of globalization of the economy) have publicly voiced concerns about the adverse impact of this process, nothing has been done yet to relieve the burden on weaker sections of society. This might require, as A.K. Sen argues, public action from the concerned groups.

(J. Adhikari is currently writing a book on metropolitan food security in Kathmandu Valley)

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World Hunger: Twelve Myths
Authors: Frances Moore Lappe, Joseph Collins, Peter Rosset
Publisher: Grove Press, USA. (Second Edition), 1998

The Politics of Hunger

Anil Bhattarai

About eight hundred million people in the world go hungry everyday and thirty two thousand children in the world die everyday because of hunger and hunger-related diseases. And all this, when there is more than enough food to feed all in the world. Why is it so? In a revised and updated second edition of the 'World Hunger : Twelve Myths', (first published twelve years ago in 1986) the authors Frances Moore Lappe, Joseph Collins and Peter Rosset of the Institute for Food and Development Policy (IFDP) in San Franscisco, California have tried to give some answers to this and many other questions related to world hunger.

The dying and helpless skeleton of a child, the long lines of emaciated bodies for a bowel of gruel at the famine relief camps and the parched land devastated by drought - these are often some of the images one gets to regularly watch or read about in the media. And these images have assumed the status of reality in the minds of the most of the people in the developed world. The authors of 'World Hunger' argue that these kinds of images, and the construction of reality about hunger they represent, actually block our thinking about hunger and its solution. "The principles", the authors write, "around which many of us have come to organize our thinking about world hunger block our grasp of real solutions". It is these principles and twelve of the commonly held myths that obscure these principles that the authors have tried to disentangle in the book.

They point towards not the scarcity of food or food producing resources or lack of modern technology, but rather towards the scarcity of economic democracy being at the root of world hunger. The lack of democracy at family, village, national and international levels, they argue, accounts for most of the hunger today. At the most basic level, lack of economic democracy is reflected in the concentration of wealth in the hands of fewer and fewer individuals and corporations. Some statistics are chilling. In Peru and Ecuador, 75% of the population do not have access to land. The number is 66% in Columbia, 32% in Kenya 95% in Egypt. And all these are on the increase as more and more small and marginal farmers lose out to big ones all over the world.

The most commonly held myth regarding hunger is that there is just not enough food for everyone in the world. But in fact, 78% of all the malnourished children live in countries where there are food surpluses. Take the case of India. In 1995, 200 million Indians did not have enough food to eat. But at the same time, India exported 625 million dollar worth of wheat and 1.3 billion worth of rice. This accounted for the export of 5 million metric tons - more than enough to provide adequate food to these 200 million under-fed people. Moreover, the export earnings so made are mostly used to import luxury goods for the wealthier class and for buying military technology.

The growth of food per capita has also far surpassed that of population growth. There has been 11 percent growth of food available per person in the world over the last two decades. There has also been a 16% drop in the population of hungry, too. But mostly the drop of hungry population in China accounts for that. If China is eliminated from the scenario, there has actually been an increase from 536 to 597 million over the same period. Is it the growth of population or lack of enough technology that is causing the hunger ? Is it too much government restriction, as the free-marketeers would like us believe? The chapters that follow peel back the 'the layers of misunderstanding' these questions symbolize.

The book, however, does not give gloomy picture only. The Movement of the Landless in Brazil reclaimed public and absentee land and redistributed it to the landless in the last decades. The farmer's movement in India opposed the monopolization of agriculture and food by the multinational corporations. The Zapatista movement in Chiapas, Mexico is reclaiming their right to land and other food producing resources. The authors rightly see hope for ending hunger in the commitment of people involved with these and several other movements at the grassroots.

At a time when the Nepali government is keen on implementing the green revolution package in the twenty year Agriculture Perspective Plan (APP) which focuses on export-oriented agriculture, this book can be an eye-opener for those at the citadel of power. The recently published Nepal Human Development Report (NESAC, 1998) has also exposed that more than fifty percent of the population in the country does not have enough to eat everyday. There is, however, lack of public debate on hunger in Nepal. One reason for this being lack of information available at the public level. Perhaps, the immediate translation of this book into Nepali would be a very positive step towards public education on this critical subject.

(A. Bhattarai is researching the erosion of livelihoods at the grassroots)

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Managing Solid Waste in Metro Kathamndu
Author: Gopal B. Thapa and Surendra R. Devkota
Publisher: ACRDP, AIT, Bangkok

Managing a Stinking Mess

Anil Baral

A visitor to medieval Kathmandu once noted that "Kathmandu is a city where every other house is a temple and every other day is holiday". Much of that epithet still holds true but in a different way - Kathmandu has become a city where every other corner is a heap of garbage and every other day it stinks. To find an answer why it is so, just skim over the pages of "Managing Solid waste in Metro Kathmandu" and facts start to emerge.

Primarily a product of hard-core research, this book lays bare the state of solid waste management in metro Kathmandu. With the rapid urbanization and population growth, Kathmandu has suffered heavily from poor management of solid waste. One can frequently see heaps of stinking solid waste stranded at the chowks and on road sides, and people passing by them incensed and with bitter faces. Centuries separate King Jayasthiti Malla's introduction of caste structure with lower castes (Chyame and Pode) being assigned the task of keeping city clean and the reign of Kathmandu Municipality Mayor Keshav Sthapith. But sadly enough, the improvisation in the solid waste management practices remains rather slow and pathetic, and has been unable to keep pace with rapid urbanization and population growth during this period.

If we peek into history, the very existence of words like Nauga and Saaga speak volumes about traditional knowledge of recycling of solid waste (night soil) through composting, which the Newar community in the medieval period practiced for long time. Now virtually non-existent, such practices could have been improved and integrated into a modern solid waste management system. The somewhat modern approach to solid waste management in Metro Kathmandu began to take root in the early eighties with the establishment of Solid Waste Management and Resource Mobilization Center (SWMRMC) under the Ministry of Work and Transport assisted by Deuteche Gesellschaft fuer Technische Zuammenarbeit (GTZ). GTZ assistance could not institutionalize an effective and sustainable SWM system. However, its intervention over the period of thirteen years introduced a scientific waste collection, disposal in a sanitary landfill, user charges for container services and the SWMRMC Act 1988.

Cast a quick glance into solid waste management in Metro Kathmandu and you will raise eyebrows in dismay. Ridiculous as it may seem, every time there are confrontations with unemployed youth of Gokarna area, heaps of stinking garbage start piling up in thoroughfares of Kathmandu. The unpalatable irony: the garbage is often dumped in the open space of Tundikhel, a place that shares the pride of being a center stage for many historic events; and Kathmandu Metropolitan Corporation (KMC) does not mind it either.

KMC is providing solid waste collection and disposal services free of cost. The grave implication of this altruistic effort is financial constraint resulting in poor collection, transfer and disposal of solid waste. As the study suggests, the majority of people in metro Kathmandu are willing to pay for solid waste management if efficient service is provided. This willingness is reflected in some communities' initiatives to establish a collection system through their own financial contributions. The lesson is - nothing comes for free and if KMC intends to make solid waste management more efficient, it should resort to the practice of collecting service fees. Institutional reform (like participation of the private sector and proper organizational structure) is what the authors perceive as the key to success of solid waste management in Kathmandu. The issues raised by the book boil down to recycling of non-biodegradable wastes through institutionalization of effective waste recovery system, active public participation, and provision of appropriate rules and regulations.

The buzz words "public and private participation in solid waste management" recurs through the pages as leitmotif of the book. There are plenty of references to financial constraints here and there that lead to ineffective management of solid waste, absence of house to house collection systems, uneven distribution of skips and poor recycling of solid waste. This book, however, is not able to refrain from the penchant for following a rigid thesis type format. Are the authors apprehensive of their book being dubbed as not well-grounded in research and easygoing literature-review-style work? The analysis is too formal and dry. The book does not elaborate much on the incinerators employed in some hospitals of metro Kathmandu; some of these incinerators are either lying idle or non-functional. Nor does it reflect much on alternate sanitary land fill sites, although sanitary landfills other than the Gokrana is the utmost need.

The book comes as timely and valuable study against this backdrop. The message the book echoes is clear. Give the solid waste management respect; especially to people at the bottom of management. Give the scavengers, street sweepers, and solid waste collectors gloves, masks and colorful aprons, and make their work clean and dignified. If harnessed meaningfully, waste nourishes your gardens, lights up your house, reduces dependence on scarce natural resources and reduces the disposal cost, and improves environment. Sometimes simple things work better.

(A. Baral is an environmental scientist)

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The World of Muslim Women in Colonial Bengal, 1876-1939
Authors: Sonia Nishat Amin
Publisher: E.J.Brill, Leiden, 1996

The World of Muslim Women

Dina Siddiqi

The World of Muslim Women in Colonial Bengal fills a major gap in the prolific literature on gender in colonial South Asia. Existing research on colonial Bengal either marginalizes or completely ignores Bengali speakers who were Muslim. Indeed, in some historiographic traditions, the term Muslim-Bengali is an oxymoron. Amin's pioneering research complements and challenges the scholarship of Meredith Borthwick and others by claiming Bhadramahila status for Muslim middle class women in colonial Bengal. That Muslim-Bengalis saw themselves as part of the Bhadralok may come as a surprise to many readers. Amin locates her study in the backdrop of the emergence of a Bengali-Muslim community identity in the late 19th and early 20th century. Those belonging to the new middle class, drawn from the intermediate rank of landowners and administrative and judicial service holders, consciously distinguished themselves from the North India oriented, Urdu-speaking traditional elite or shurafa. They turned increasingly to indigenous cultural idioms of self-expression, most explicitly by embracing the Bengali language, a process Amin terms Bengalicization.

The book's first chapters map reforms within family and educational institutions, reforms framed by professionalizing Bengali-Muslims' desire to recast their social identities. Here the author finds strong parallels with earlier Hindu/Brahmo discourse on women and social reform. Muslim women in Bengal not only signified the civilizational status of their community but also carried the responsibility of upholding the sanctity of the homes of the new professional classes. In addition, as Amin briefly notes, the reformers of Muslim Bengal had to prove themselves doubly, to both the colonial state and the Hindu community.

Colonial politics impinge only indirectly on the central narrative. This is a refreshing perspective in many ways. For one, this allows the voices of the Bhadramahila, in all their contradictions and inconsistencies, to emerge without too much distraction. Drawing on both oral history and archival material, Amin documents in rich detail the prolific world of literate Muslim women, most of whose names until now have been missing from historical texts of Bengal. The best known of these women, Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain, is only one among many writers whose literary voices Amin has recuperated. Clearly, Muslim middle class women were not simply passive victims of illiteracy and parda, as their invisibility in the available literature suggests. The collection of interviews with women, now in their seventies and eighties looking back on their lives and careers, is one of the most valuable aspects of the book. In addition, Amin has amassed an impressive array of previously neglected women's periodicals, journals and instruction manuals, certain to be useful to future generations of scholars.

A central argument of the book is that the ability and desire to write was emblematic of the modern sensibility of the New Muslim Woman. "For it was in the creative act of writing and publishing that she declared her social presence." (p.212). This line of argument has the added benefit of decentering parda or seclusion as the fundamental axis around which Muslim women's identities were structured. The authors' choice of dates for the study reflects her desire to foreground the bhadramahila's creativity. 1866 was the year the first full length book by a Muslim woman in Bengal, Nawab Faizunnessa, was published in Dhaka. 1939 marked the founding of Lady Brabourne College, primarily for Muslims, in Calcutta.

Although she does not make it explicit, Amin seems to take issue with Lata Mani and others by insisting that Muslim women were not simply the sites on which tradition was produced, but also the agents of change. Their voices were prominent in the vociferous debates on early marriage, polygamy and parda, as well as in the flowering of modern Bengali-Muslim literature. Following their male counterparts, the Bhadramahila wrote primarily in Bengali, although many spoke Urdu at home. Their subject matter was suitably modern, ranging from poetry celebrating moonlit nights to novels of love and betrayal, or the pleasures and upheavals of domestic life.

Amin concludes that the time period under consideration marked a significant change of mentality, which warrants the label Nari Jagaran or Women's Awakening. As she observes, the extent of transformation is aptly captured by the changing logo of the women's page of the progressive literary journal, Saogat. In 1928, under the Urdu title Zenana Mahfil, this featured several women sitting in the andarmahal or inner quarters, dressed in Persianized/North Indian attire, chatting among themselves. By 1940, the caption had been replaced by the Bengali Mohila Jagot, accompanied by a sketch of a sari-clad woman behind the wheels of a car, head uncovered and hair flying in the wind.

Amin's writing is elegant and precise, as is her story. The story, however, is incomplete. She takes for granted the non-contestatory and fixed nautre of the meaning of 'Bengali' and 'Muslim,' terms which have historically (and often historiographically) been defined in opposition to each another. Historicizing the terms is critical since it was during the period under scrutiny that Bengali-Muslim identity was for the first time under active construction and contestation. In what ways were discourses on Muslim women critical to this reimagining of community boundaries? Simply equating the New Hindu Woman with the New Muslim Bhadramahila, as Amin does, is problematic since the former was constructed not only in opposition to English women, but also to Muslim women. How then did the latter see themselves in relation to their Brahmo/Hindu 'precursors'? Moreover, it appears that Bengali-Muslims were trying to consolidate a regional identity distinct from North Indian Muslims through the conscious use of the Bengali language. Consequently, for both men and women, the choice to write in Bengali was a political choice. Amin tells us that women had much to say about the issue of language but does not elaborate. This is a curious absence since the relationship between writing and middle class women's subjectivities is highlighted in the text.

The World of Muslim Women in Colonial Bengal is a milestone in many ways. It provides a fascinating account of the heretofore invisible world of middle class Bengali-Muslim women. It makes available a wealth of historical sources on its subject matter. Most important, the difficult questions that it raises are certain to inspire other scholars to undertake further research in this direction.

(D. Siddiqi teaches anthropology at the New School for Social Research, New York. An earlier version of this review was published in Sagar: A South Asia Research Journal.)

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