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Book Review Pages

The Kathmandu Post Review of Books

25 January, 1998
Vol. 2, No. 10
Issue Coordinator: Swarnim Wagle

Produced by
Martin Chautari for
CSRD and The Kathmandu Post

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Contents of this Issue


Essay

Reviews


The Literary B. P. and The Grocer's Wife

Jayaraj Acharya and Swarnim Wagle

"I am an anarchist in literature through which I try to fulfil my rebellious impulse, but as a democratic socialist in politics I am in search of an agreeable political order. As I am one man in politics and a completely different one in literature, there is no smell of politics in my writings."

While B.P. Koirala (1914 - 1982 AD) said this of himself, the then regime saw things differently. The three decades from the early fifties to the late seventies were that era of Nepali politics when the nation's psyche was bifurcated into either supporting BP or opposing him. Politics revolved around one man who either commanded intense loyalty from people willing to follow his orders, go to prison and die, or detestation of the extreme from those who publicly demanded his execution. BP's writings thus remained neglected as long as he lived for purely political reasons, albeit part of the problem has always been his literature itself. In his quest for a better Nepal, he not only put forward a new political vision but simultaneously ushered in fresh and hitherto untested style in writing Nepali literature. As a dissenting intellectual, he surely had second opinions about the way politics was handled but he also differed vehemently with the traditionally accepted versions of ethics, society, religion, philosophy and of course literature.

BP's claim of his distinctly different existence in literature and politics is only partly true, for his writings clearly indicate a revolutionary persona that characterised his political life both in power and out of it. He was an example of a person who when disagreeing with the societal practices at large found himself in a position jostling against its often prized acceptances. At a time when the country was tied to conservative morality and antiquated values, BP championed a genre in literature that was the last candidate for popular appeal.

His debut short story in Nepali, Chandrabadan, published in 1935 not only portrayed the agony of a widow and her frustrations with living but also began a wave of bold experiments in story telling. There is a visible influence of Sigmund Freud and international writing in his early short stories but it was characteristic of the man to be Nepal-specific and pin down any airy thoughts to earth. In The Colonel's Horse, for example, the psychological workings of a sexually discontent woman is no doubt sensuously captured but by depicting the then accepted custom of unmatched nuptials between men and women of big age differences, BP questions an uneasy tradition. Similarly, the famous Faulty Glasses is a brilliant exposition of a hapless sycophant in Rana Nepal.

These three stories are typical of BP's style of writing that reflect accurately the sense and direction of all his short stories which is, perhaps, what has led to a charge seemingly hard to refute. Did he not squander his literary genius by spending a disproportionate amount of time exploring the inner urges of women and men? It really depends on how one reads his writings, but Jail Journal, published belatedly for the first time four weeks ago, would be a powerful ammunition for those who disagree with this charge. As a diary kept in the sixties during BP's early years in jail, he offers a highly personal and intimate account of his interpretations of national and international affairs, readings of literature and philosophy, interactions with people who mattered to him and above all, a joyous look at the little things in life.

He took to novels only later when he was imprisoned for eight years after being the first elected Prime Minister in the country's history. The first novel written, Three Turns, records marked influence of existentialists like Albert Camus and Jean Paul Sartre, but this influence decreases in the subsequently written Sumnima - The Story of the First Kirata Woman, Narendra Dai and Modiain - The Grocer's Wife.

The latter is a major departure from his alleged obsession with Freudian psychoanalysis. Written in the Sundarijal Military Detention Camp over three cold days in January 1964, it is the smallest of BP's novels that poses perhaps the biggest of questions. Taking an almost heretic swipe at the Hindu epic Gita, The Grocer's Wife looks at Mahabharata from the eyes of a young widow who lost her husband to the war. BP finds the war unjustifiable, and his bitterness is fed through a grocer's wife in the novel who tells a nine year old boy:

"Don't be great like the heroes of Mahabharata. Their greatness brought the holocaust. If you aspire to be great - to be God - you bring ruin. So, just be good. A good man."

The Grocer's Wife starts like any contemporary novel with a boy and a family friend taking a trip on the Indian railways to the Bihari town of Darbhanga. They meet Modiain, and the novel is slowly steered back to history to tell the boy the story of Nari living in the age of the Mahabharata.

This novel's simple message, "Be good, not great", may well have been BP's own guiding philosophy in life. As a politician who did indeed preach and practice armed revolution, the pacifist plea of the novel may be hard to reconcile with his real life; but as the London Times wrote in BP's obituary, he was a Fabian who resorted to violence only when every peaceful option was exhausted. The thrust of the novel, however, is broader with a look at forms of duty. The Gita assumes that the world is an illusion that makes life and death a meaningless phenomenon. Because humans are mere instruments of god, their role is just to perform duty with no desire of an outcome and with no passion involved. BP disagreed with this approach. In Journal, he bluntly writes, "This philosophy propagated by Gita smacks of emptiness to me". If a duty is worth performing, it is worth performing well. Use of brain then becomes an imperative. But why should one be dissociated with the end result of the duty so well performed? BP's question is, why should duties performed rationally be superior to those driven by passion?

In the war, Krishna convinces Arjuna that because life and death are beyond their control, humans need not worry about who gets born and who gets killed. As pawns of God they merely have to accomplish their duty. Thus as a ksetriya, Arjuna's duty was to fight and fight alone. From such a high flying logic, Mahabharata is taken for granted and ignored for its inhumanity. The reason BP is palpably agitated in The Grocers Wife is that he is a humanist trying to conjure up an image of two million women just widowed by the great oriental holocaust.

BP's position was that the issue is not so much between duty driven by passion and desire, or without. Essentially, the distinction that drew his attention was really between good and evil. Gita does not deal with this. All it says is, again, as godly tools, it is not upon men to tell what is good and evil. This is best left to the creator. With a teaching like this, BP is prompted to go a step further and say that the Hindu philosophy is basically an unworldly, god-oriented philosophy. Its focus is not on life and living, but on salvation. There exist sets of duality in this philosophy; body versus soul, worldly versus unworldly and life versus salvation. In these conflicts, emphasis is always on the second -- soul, unworldly and salvation. Because good and evil is not considered to be a social issue, relevant to our everyday living, BP says that the Hindu philosophy has no concern with the moral norms set by the societies we function in. He says this religion is thus "amoral". With the Supremacy of Salvation persistently highlighted as being the essence, Hindu philosophy is a philosophy of death, and a line from Jail Journal sums up BP's opposition succinctly ("We need philosophy to live, not to die"). One of the reasons why The Grocer's Wife is so outstanding is that it helps us see this in perspective, without compromising the beauty of a romantic novel.

(Professor of English at TU, J. Acharya is a former Fellow at Harvard; S. Wagle is a student of philosophy and economics, currently working for the UN.)

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Raj: A History of British India
Author: Lawrence James
Publisher: Little, Brown. London
Price: £25

An Indian Mutiny

David Gilmour

Schoolchildren, who 60 years ago were brought up on the exploits of "Clive of India", are now taught nothing at all about Britain's Indian empire. Such knowledge as they possess comes from Richard Attenborough's film Gandhi, an epic of Good triumphing over Evil in which the British officials are stupid and malevolent, the Indian characters are saintly and heroic, and massacres like Amritsar seem to take place on alternate Thursdays. Should they wish to learn more, they can go to the local library, where they will find gory narratives of the Mutiny, or to a history faculty where they will discover academic volumes denying that their ancestors had a decent motive in India and ascribing Clive's victories simply to naval power and the wealth of the Bengal.

Raj: A History of British India is a valuable antidote to all this, a vast and accomplished survey of the different stages of Britain's dominion. It combines the virtues of old fashioned narrative history, humanising leading characters with brief descriptions of appearance and background, with a knowledge of recent scholarship and a judicious deliberation of justice. As a military historian, Lawrence James is especially good on the frontier and the campaigns which forged the empire, but he is also impressive on the workings of the Raj, its relationship with the princes, and the progress of Indian nationalism.

One of the great merits of the book is its sense of balance. James is neither an academic carper nor a Blimpish apologist. He condemns the worst aspects of the British presence, and applauds the best, the elite of the Indian Civil Service, whom he compares to "Plato's philosopher princes, men of education, integrity and wisdom whose talents fitted them to rule fairly and honestly". He berates the British for their racial arrogance, which increased during the 19th century, but wonders how they could have avoided social aloofness when high-caste Hindus refused to eat with them and Indians of all religions would not let them meet their wives and daughters. Such even-handedness helps readers to avoid simplistic interpretations of the Raj and its leading figures. Thus in this book they will find that Clive was neither the hero of Victorian legend nor the lucky beneficiary of economic factors, but a man who was simultaneously a greedy adventurer and a soldier of brilliance.

The pages on the massacre of Amritsar, which since Attenborough's film has come to symbolise British rule in India, show James's impartiality at its best. Nearly all accounts (like Gandhi itself) dwell exclusively on the massacre (in which 379 unarmed civilians were killed on the orders of Brigadier Dyer), on the vote in the House of Lords which exonerated Dyer, and on the support fund raised to comfort the Brigadier in his retirement.

While James naturally describes these events too, he also points out that the Punjab was on the edge of insurrection, that several Europeans had just been beaten and murdered in Amritsar, that Dyer was severely censured by a committee of inquiry and dismissed from the Indian army, and that he was condemned by the Government and the House of Commons where Churchill denounced his actions as "monstrous".

Like Philip Woodruff and Sir Penederel Moon, authors of earlier narratives of the Raj, James provokes questions that academic historians in Britain, the rest of the Commonwealth and the United States wish neither to ask nor to answer. Why did small bodies of British troops - or Indian troops led by British officers - invariably defeat large native armies? Why did Indians submit to the rule of the solitary district officer riding from village to village, setting up his desk under a banyan tree and dispensing justice? Why with only 65,000 European soldiers was Britain able to govern a population of 300 millions in an area stretching from the borders of Persia to the Kingdom of Siam? Why, if the empire was fundamentally evil, was Gandhi's ambition to make India an equal partner with Britain in that empire?

The author does not tabulate the answers, which are of course irredeemably "incorrect", but readers will be able to deduce them from the text. Perhaps the British soldier at this period was better than others. Perhaps the ICS officers were just and competent and were regarded as such by villagers who also knew that they were incorruptible. And perhaps - most lamentably incorrect of all - millions of Indians were not entirely miserable living under the British rule.

After 640 pages recounting the events, the successes and the failures of the Raj, James feels obliged to produce his own verdict on this aberration of history. Although he accepts that few historians will agree with him - the combination of political correctness, "post-colonial guilt syndrome" and the "residual marxism" of many university campuses is too strong - he believes that "on the whole" the Indian subcontinent has been shaped "for the better" by the Raj. India, Pakistan and Bangladesh "are what they are now because they were governed by Britain and brought directly into contact with British ideas, values, learning and technology". He is too polite to say that those values have not invariably been upheld or that these three countries are among the most corrupt in the world . But he maintains that in all of them "there is a consciousness of what constitutes good and honest administration, and the periodic outbursts against corruptionÖ..are a reflection that their people judge their officials by standards laid down during British rule".

(Mr. Gilmour is the author of "Curzon". This review first appeared in the "Independent on Sunday", London, November 1997)

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Form and Function: A Study of Nutrition, Adaptation and Social Inequality in Three Gurung Villages of Nepal Himalaya
Author: S.S. Strickland and V.R. Tuffrey
Publisher: Smith Gordon, London, 1997

Physique and Well-being

Jagannath Adhikari

The relative importance of environment and genotype on the growth and development of biological entities has been a controversial issue ever since the laws of genetics were first propounded in the eighteenth century. Form and Function attempts to make some contribution to this debate by investigating the relationship between socio-economic inequalities and physical form and its consequent impact on household welfare. It concludes that there is a positive relationship between the variables. In other words, the economically well-off households with better nourishment have members with high anthropometric measures enabling them to have more capacity for work, better productivity and good reproductive performance. The latter helps to perpetuate the physical form across generations.

At the very outset, this study poses two questions: what is the biological significance of social inequality for humans? and what is the social significance of biological variation in humans? To answer these questions, Forms uses an interdisciplinary approach drawing conceptual and methodological approaches from biology, physiology, human nutrition, economics, sociology and anthropology. The discussion on conceptual issues begins with widely discussed views of Malthus (on population problem in relation to food supply) and Darwin (on natural selection and survival of the fittest).

The authors consider Nepal to be an appropriate place for this kind of research for two reasons: First, there is a hypothesis that people of this country are "short but healthy". Thus, whether this small stature is a result of adaptive response to energy deficiency can easily be examined here. Second, Nepal being a subsistence economy with limited infrastructure and technology, direct effects of physique on working capacity can be closely observed.

This study is based on a rigorous field research involving intensive measurement of individuals through four seasons of the year in three Gurung villages of Kaski (Khilang, Thak and Mohoriya). In addition to various surveys conducted throughout the year to cover seasonal, ethnic and gender aspects, it draws heavily on previously done ethnographic studies of these villages.

Regarding the "small but healthy" hypothesis, the study reaches no explicit conclusion, and instead calls for more research covering different groups of people and geographical areas. It argues that to test this hypothesis, there should be a certain threshold level of anthropometric measures below which risks become exponentially high. In this study, such a non-linear relationship was observed only in the case of reproductive performance. On the other hand, the authors also show that there is variability in the relationship between individual physique and household socio-economic status. They claim that this finding lends some support to the "small but healthy" hypothesis which might have happened, they argue, because of emphasis on the benefits of lineage survival (e.g. special care to children during the nutritionally stressful season of monsoon) at the cost of marginal deficiencies.

Given that human behaviour and socio-cultural norms play an important role, association between different variables established by this study may not be precise. There are several errors in data collection and despite an intensive field study coupled by rigorous data analysis, general application of the findings is questionable. The study sites are not at all representative of Nepali villages, because areas selected for this study were originally chosen by earlier authors like Alan Macfarlane for a very different purpose of studying Gurung culture and economy.

Problems are also seen in the authors' categorisation of households into two racial groups -- Mongoloid and non-Mongoloid. The latter includes, in this case, Chetris, Brahmins and members of the occupational caste. It is well known that there exist wide socio-economic variations in the status of these groups. Their coalescence into one socio-economic group would therefore certainly lead to erroneous conclusions. This is a particularly sensitive issue for research of this kind as it aims to study the effects of socio-economic inequality on physique. The reason given by the authors for including these groups into one is that their socio-economic status is significantly lower than that of the Gurungs. But this is an insufficient reason for not covering the wide economic and cultural variations within the non-Mongoloid group.

Despite weaknesses of this nature, the study makes practically important conclusions regarding vulnerable households and individuals. It clearly shows that non-Mongoloids in the study area are more vulnerable and contrary to what is generally supposed, victims of stressful seasons are not children but adults. As a general recommendation, the study claims that anthropometric measures can be used to identify poor households and work out appropriate development interventions.Even though a deluge of data and profusely used statistical terms reduce the readability of the book, discussion of theoretical issues at length and constant inter-linking between issues and empirical findings makes it a useful book for those interested in human nutrition, social biology and rural development.

(J. Adhikari is an author of "The Beginnings of Agrarian Change - a Case study in Central Nepal")

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In The Name of Development: A Reflection on Nepal
Author: Nanda R. Shrestha
Publisher: University Press of America, Inc., Lanham, Maryland, USA, 1997, (pp. 231)

Deconstructing the Development Myth

Krishna Gyawali

"Development stinks", wrote a contemporary development critic, Gustavo Esteva, in one of his anti-development essays included in a masterpiece The Development Dictionary. He probably smelt that stench after encountering "the insidious side of contemporary development" with its dehumanising, de-politicising and destroying impacts on society, humanity, and nature. Not only has it destroyed mutually supportive human relations, "commodified" the social setting, and victimised marginal classes, but ironically, it has also spread among those very victims a neo-colonial, Westernised mindset. It is now an industry, a lucrative business of "selling colonialism, consumerism and capitalism with a new face" by the developed West to the underdeveloped East. Development is thus "a silent class war" between the haves and the have-nots and between nature and humanity.

This is how Shrestha's In the Name of Development concurs with contemporary cynicism surrounding development. Coming as it does as a sequel to the recently booming anti-development literature, the book makes an irresistible reading for all those who were once enchanted by the Mantra of Bikas but now find themselves disillusioned and betrayed, all in the name of development.

The book is basically a collection of seven essays that combine to form a highly interesting, and often personal, narrative on development victims and their stories. An essay early in the book, Development Odyssey of Colonised Mind, tells the author's story of how a Pokhara-born "poor, peasant boy" was flown to the US by a Peace Corps Volunteer to become a geographer from Indiana in 1972, how he developed a "colonised mindset" there, and then how he U-turned himself as a vocal and veracious critic of the Western development ideology. But, as the author's friend tells him in the Preface, he has failed to tell us how he could overcome that mindset.

Shrestha concedes that his narrative in the book is not from a neutral observer but from "a self-made member of the domestic elite class", which is no less responsible than the Western development agents/agencies for development victimisation. The author is appreciably mindful of his contradictory life, his being an outsider or a distant observer, and perhaps an "escapist critic" also, as he left his "development-victimised" Nepal in his early twenties to live in the victimisers' country, the US, for good.

Little America in the Heart of Nepal, a curiously titled Chapter 2 makes a fascinating reading. The Fort Durbar, elegant Rana palace across the King's Palace is that Little America where the American (read white foreigner) diplomatic and development corps live and relax. But to the author, it overtly expresses American power and material glory. He takes it as a symbol of "contemporary American practice of using space as a social separator from the natives". Though a bit extreme in his abusing the white man's burden-type, hypocritical role of Western development agents, Shrestha is just and balanced when he equally attacks Nepali development elite's subservience to such hypocrisy. His narrating an amusing sarcasm on a bull brought by the USAID experts from the US to crossbreed the low-milching Nepali cows is fantastic. The bull, despite endless efforts by the experts, would not mate with the native cows, because "as an expert, he did not come to Nepal to work, rather to advise"! This little piece of joke speaks volumes about the attitude of the richly paid Western advisors here who would perhaps find a job in their countries not much better than a mid-level manager.

The author depicts an idealistic nature of Nepalese agrarian life, referring to the co-existent, complete and interdependent rural living. But arrival of Bikas began to disrupt that social fabric, he complains. He says that poverty was projected as an unfortunate creation of the poor, not as an inevitable outcome of growth-driven development and social inequality. He sharply disapproves what he calls "a new Malthusian outlook cursing the poor themselves for poverty while absolving the rich from any obligation and responsibility".

In an anecdotal essay on prostitution, Shrestha convincingly describes two nexuses responsible for female sexual oppression and prostitution: religious-feudal (historical) and development-tourism (contemporary). Here he ridicules market-based, capitalist version of "sexual labour for profits", quoting a mid-seventies article by an ultra-feminist writer who crudely described sex as work, implying that if paid competitively, commercial sex is never a crime. Money has thus been the prime lubricant in the "commodification" of women's bodies and sexuality, and thus capitalist development and prostitution go hand in hand, the author concludes. But he is cautious enough not to put the blame squarely on capitalism, as religious-feudal nexus represented by the domestic male elite (their monopolistic say on virtually every sexual preferences such as virginity, polygamy, adultery, etc.) is also equally responsible.

Pot goes pop on Kathmandu's Freak Street makes another interesting reading where the author mocks Kathmandu's speedy fall to capitalist culture of consumerism. "Here the temples and toilets can hardly be physically separated", Shrestha very cruelly tells the truth. He however loves the place and its people and has all his "feelings" towards their plight.

The book is concluded with seemingly provocative and outrageous but deep-down optimistic and inspiring comments on Nepal's development future. While first worrying that there is no visible fury among the poor and also wondering whether the "revolution" has taken a back seat to a sense of resignation, the author later surpasses pessimism and hopes for a massive mass-awakening. He meanwhile devotes a sympathetic coverage to the current People's War, trying to analyse it from a neo-Marxian perspective, but, good for him, he is not an apologist of violence. He rather prefers a structural change through Gandhian way of non-violence and pursuit of simple, self-reliant, indigenous and eco-friendly development. Here he even admires Mao's self-reliant model of economic development, but discards his violence. Perhaps he is also near to BP Koirala's socialist vision of simplicity and self-reliance, though he has shied away from admitting it. Shrestha also respectfully recalls Prithvi Narayan Shah's vision of self-help and strongly advocates his model of frugality and self-respect for curing the country's present economic ills. He seems to be in full accord with such contemporary development critiques ranging from Shumacher' Small is Beautiful, Myrdal's Asian Drama, Graham Hancock's Lords of Poverty, Catherine Caufield's Masters of Illusion, and James Ferguson's Anti-Politics Machine.

Shrestha to me is conceptually in line with such popular post- modernist writers from our part of the world as Rajni Kothari, Asis Nandy and Bandana Shiva who firmly believe that each nation-state has its own individual perception and priorities that cannot be dictated by any set, structured constructs determined at a global, macro theoretical level. Shrestha's book is probably the first post-modern critique penned by a distant "outsider". Although his disproportionate focus on anecdotes, isolated incidents and personal experience raises fear for it to be dismissed by people who should take this work seriously, on the whole, this book deserves a thorough reading.

(Mr. Gyawali is an Under-Secretary at the Cabinet Secretariat)

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