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Reviews
Khagendra Sangraula
Spun into the web of words produced from their investigations and inspections, social researchers and literary writers endeavour to hang before us mirrors reflective of individuals and society. Ironically, sometimes those mirrors present merely a pitiable reflection of the writers' own intellectual abilities and moral sensibilities.
British researcher Michael Hutt has investigated modern Nepali literature for nearly two decades, engaging in editorial work, commentary and, most extensively, translation. Within this web of collected, original, and transformed words, he too has hung a mirror. In it Nepal's reflection appears murky, superficial, piecemeal: his own reflection appears clear, sharp, and whole. Reviewing Hutt's Himalayan Voices, fellow British academic David Gellner dubbed him with the title of "foremost foreign expert on modern Nepali literature". What is the basis for such an assessment? Is it the polish and fidelity of the mirror of Nepali literature that Mr. Hutt has created (and within it, true reflections of the images of society that Nepali literature itself produces)? Unfortunately, no. Peering into the mirror one can make out, dimly backlit by the never-quite-setting sun of the enduring empire, a few of the characteristics lending plausibility to that title: the English language, white skin, the sterling pound. And gathered round, slavishly worshipping these signs of 'modern civilization', one part of the Nepali intellectual community, whose adulatory stance lends native authority to the lal mohar stamped upon Hutt's credentials by his fellow countryman. Thus has his expertise on Nepali literature become an established fact.
What, then, of the fate of Nepali literature, whose faithful image Hutt's mirror is ostensibly designed to reflect? For years his mirror has mainly refracted images of the literature given its own lal mohar by the Royal Academy. About the peculiar features and limitations of that reflection of Nepali literature much could be said. But for reasons of space, here I present just a few examples that testify to Mr. Hutt's intellectual skills, moral sensibilities and apparent love for commando culture.
In The Nepali Literature of the Democracy Movement and its Aftermath he writes of the creative assistance to expression rendered by the censorship plastered upon the consciences of citizens during the Panchayati Raj: "The existence of censorship (which was, more often than not, self-censorship) produced many great and memorable works of allegory". But in reality, artistic works like those Hutt seeks to credit for their allegorical form are produced not by censorship; their form is the end result of intellectual effort to break the chains of censorship, a profoundly different matter. Hutt expresses concern that, after the downfall of the Panchayat, the regime's censorship may have become exaggerated. If the scope of the Panchyati Raj he inspects were expanded to include the innumerable literary works in newspapers and journals smudged out by the black soot of censorship, the many books stolen and destroyed by the authorities, the anonymous handwritten poems, allowed no publication outlet, scattered secretly in the streets, and the many writers persecuted simply for criticism of the regime, he would surely be saved from such ignorant and absurd commentary. No less absurd are the acrobatics he engages in to surreptitiously conceal the ugly aspects of the Rajat Poetry Campaign's mandalization, through instilled terror and proffered enticements, of independent consciences and poetry alike.
Individuals knowledgeable in English, Nepali, and the art of translation - Taranath Sharma, Pratyoush Onta and others - have meaningfully commented on various injustices to the original found in Hutt's translations. In the arts of discarding parts of the text with abandon and inserting things willy-nilly, Hutt is unrivalled. In some cases this seems merely to reflect a lack of respect for or comprehension of the original text, but in others it actively helps to create his cleansed image of commando culture and his feeble image of opposition to it.
Translating from Bimal Nibha's portrait, in his poem, Patan, of the aspirations and beauty of the People's Movement's opposition to the autocratic Panchayat, banished from Hutt's mirror is: "And protest against injustice". Just four small words, but within them the essence of the andolan. In a short satirical essay discussing the fate of poems founded upon the security of bayonets and plated silver coins, I wrote: "Now praise-filled talk of the brave Nepali people rose toward the stratosphere; along with the gang of commandos, talk of Chandani Shaha slipped inside a hole. It's amazing! Who was where yesterday; who's reached where today?" In Hutt's English mirror, the "gang of commandos" was smudged out altogether. For the "foremost foreign expert", "commando bhaiharuko dalbal" are evidently merely three lifeless words. But for those who experienced the cruelty of Panchayati culture, commando is an unforgettable, ugly sign of the fear, pain, and wrath produced by Panchayati oppression.
Words convey human feelings and experience. Words have life of their own, rhythms, and dignity. For nonsensically - whether whimsically or willfully - pruning others' words, it may seem rude to dub Mr. Hutt a word-stalker and an assassin of meaning. But, unfortunately, to express the essence of his destructive sport in any words but these is impossible.
And it is in this light that we must examine the spectre of a Hutterized Bhupi - hacked to pieces and condemned to lay exposed so for years to come, before an international audience. Bhupi's words dance to many rhythms - melancholy and slow, fast and furious - but always they dance, creating dazzling patterns in a few short steps. Simplicity and spareness, rhyme and alliteration, repetition and precision, revelation of the subject only after its portrait is before us - these are key elements of Bhupi's wordcraft. Satirical, outraged or bemused, profound portraits of the injustices and sufferings of Nepali life written from a sometimes tortured vantage within it - these are what much of his wordcraft was dedicated to. Hutterized Bhupi speaks in unrecognizable plodding, disjointed prose and has nothing much to say. Beyond the artistic travesty, Bhupi's moral stances, and sharp-eyed critiques are frequently smudged out. Consider the final stanza of Sadhain-Sadhain Mero Sapanama:
yasari nai sadhain-sadhain mero sapanama
Malayaka asankhya-asankhya manisharuko
aasuko ek thulo sagar banchha
jasko pratyek laharma
ek lash mathi uthchha
ek lash tala dubchha
tara dubnubhanda agadi malai
pratyek lashle ghrinale herchha
ah, mero sapanama malai
mero bipanako itihasle ghrina garchha
So always always in my dream
a great ocean forms:
the tears of the men in Malaya;
a corpse rises up and a corpse sinks down
in every ocean wave,
regarding me with hatred.
Ah in my dreams I am loathed
by the history of my awakening.
Inviting confusion by omission of "asankhya-asankhya", actively misleading by translating Malayaka manisharu as "the men in Malaya", Hutt then adds a footnote expressly identifying them as Gurkhas, thus erasing Bhupi's image of the ocean of tears of the people of Malaya, that is, erasing his critique of the war in which his countrymen were fighting on the side of imperialism. Whose are the bobbing corpses and who do they regard with hatred? For English readers contemplation of those questions is foreclosed by the translation. Its final line completes the hatchet job, obscuring Bhupi's harshly honest, complex relation to the history of our country.
A similar erasure is achieved by the translation of galat as "lie" in Galat Lagchha Malai Mero Deshko Itihas. Two senses of wrongness pervade the entire poem: the incorrectness of the resplendent national history that is told and displayed, and the moral wrongness of the history that has transpired in Nepal. The second sense fades from the poem in the mirror. In Ghantaghar, several pure Michaelian inventions are added; of Bhupi's few words, several are dropped. All rhythm is lost and so is the profound still portrait effected by the whole. In Sanjhko Naya Sadak Š, a stark image of citizens treated as refuse by the Panchayati Raj is made opaque in the mirror. And on and onŠ "kathaibara, bichara/'Bhupi' Sherchan!"
The distorted overall image of Nepali society through its literature reflected in Hutt's mirror is not just a composite of deformed details. Selecting for translation pieces which will, in practice, represent the whole, entails responsibility for careful contextualization, and attention to contemporary contexts. In a recent volume under Hutt's editorship (in the Journal of South Asian Literature), no discernible standard of literary or social value, or representativeness guides the selection, rather it seems based on a whimsical "hi-hallo" announcing, 'even in Nepal, there is literature!' And, included there is B.P. Koirala's The Colonel's Horse. At this historic moment, when Nepali women are joined in struggle for personal recognition and rights, what is the point of presenting that hapless image created a year before 7 saal, of a woman seeking compensation from a youthful horse for the sexual satisfaction she cannot get from her elderly husband? Carefully contextualized, it could have a point. Without that, is it not appalling derision of the aspirations of women who, in addition to other rights, wish to fulfill, in a natural and healthy way, their sexual desires? Even on the basic questions of what to translate when, and why, we find reflected not an iota of the wisdom of Nepali literature's "foremost foreign expert".
Despite years of effort, a superficial, distorted and ugly image of Nepali literature and the Nepali sensibilities reflected therein has been created by Hutt's spinning of Nepali words into English ones. That his fellow countryman can blithely stamp a seal of approval upon his mirror of Nepal, that the clearest image reflected is the pitiable one of Mr. Hutt's own lack of craft and reactionary sensibilities, and that some members of Nepal's literary community have long gazed in uncritical adulation into such a mirror, are facts that do not make up a pretty picture. It is no source of pleasure to gaze or comment upon it. But gaze and comment we must for, confronted with such a mirror, we Nepalis need to pause and reflect on its sources.
(Khagendra Sangraula is a fiction writer and essayist. The essay of his mentioned above was published in Jan-Andolanka Chharraharu.)
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Dr. Stephen Bezruchka
Around 1980, three studies with important implications for public health were published. The discovery that heart attack was caused by a clot immediately led to a whole new clinical services industry. Positive relationship between maternal literacy and child survival in developing countries led to the current vogue in literacy programs for women. A third study found a strong negative relation between inequality of income and health among sixty-four countries.
Responses to these findings were as disparate as the findings themselves. One led to costly therapy with limited world-wide impact. The second, which did not seriously threaten the status quo, resulted in numerous policy declarations but little effective action. Implementation of findings of the third study and the many ensuing confirmatory ones, however, would have required changing national and international economic and political power bases. Not surprisingly, it was swept under the rug. In Unhealthy Societies, Wilkinson again exposes an idea that has been ignored for nearly two decades.
Wilkinson's main message is that income distribution, both within and among countries, is closely associated with the mortality rate, an indicator of health. He posits that the effect of environmental and behavioral risk factors on health are small in comparison to the overwhelming effect of income distribution. His arguments, laid out like a mathematical proof, are compelling. Most significantly, it shows that the decisions of all government policymakers, not just the Health Ministry, crucially affect the people's health.
In Wilkinson's conception, a population's health is not merely the sum of its individual members' health. Pondering the rapid rise in life expectancy globally this century, he casts doubt on the causal significance of improved nutrition, environmental control, and medical care. Wilkinson acknowledges that provision of medical services in poor countries will lower mortality, but it is reduction of income disparity that correlates most strongly with reduced mortality.
Measuring health inequalities via the stratification of mortality rates by socioeconomic position within countries, Wilkinson shows that, except for skin and breast cancers, "every death rate and measure of health [is] more sensitive to variations in socioeconomic conditions than to medical care" and observes that the "role of medicine is to pick up the pieces". But among countries, the relation between income and health is different. Wealthier countries are not necessarily healthier; notably the richest country overall, the USA, ranks less than 20th among nations in life expectancy.
Two decades of research show the pervasive and dynamic influence of inequality of income on health: countries that alter income distribution through taxation and other fiscal means have concurrent changes in health indicators. Interestingly, the association does not appear strongly influenced by government expenditures for social programs. Japan and Sweden, first and second in life expectancy, respectively, are at opposite poles in social expenditure as a proportion of GDP (15% in Japan; 40% in Sweden). Wilkinson acknowledges that it is unclear how low relative incomes have to be to affect health, and how much reduction of relative poverty would affect the health of the wealthy.
Using national and regional examples Wilkinson argues that income distribution is a proxy for what he calls "social cohesion" - that is, "social capital." Studies of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union during the 1970s and 1980s, show "how closely health is related to the political environment". Today, health is clearly declining in many of those countries, reflecting loss of social cohesion associated with "collapse" and resurgence of economic inequality.
Finally, the book looks at possible sociological mechanisms for the effect of income distribution on health. Stating that humankind has not yet developed "a satisfactory social organization of the highly integrated productive system which economic development has so recently produced", Wilkinson points out that in older non-monetized economies, food sharing and gift exchange limited social inequities and "open expressions of material self-interest" were taboo. In contrast, the market and wage labor economy institutionalizes individualism and the pursuit of individual gains.
Wilkinson's public health arguments are epidemiologically well grounded. His advocacy began with activities that indirectly led to the Black Report, a pioneering look at health inequalities in the U.K. After suppression of its findings, then some debate, knowledge has still not led to action. In Unhealthy Societies, Wilkinson shows why putting highly specialized therapeutic methods into practice, or even teaching women to read are worlds apart, judged by effects on health, from implementing egalitarian ideals of social justice, or income equality. The need for action is clear.
Internally, Nepal suffers from sharply rising income and wealth distribution disparities. Among nations, it ranks near the bottom in economic indicators. Amid the current health policy struggle over specialized care, "excellence" and privatization versus public health, this book contains many timely lessons for ordinary citizens to press their cause with the government. Wilkinson's fundamental message is that only basic economic policies which equalize wealth and income distribution will significantly improve health. More health for all will never be gained by more wealth creation among the economic elite.
(Dr. Bezruchka teaches in the University of Washington School of Public Health and Community Medicine and is involved in public health projects in Nepal. Revised from a review published in the New England Journal of Medicine. Reprinted with permission of the NEJM)
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Vijay Prashad
The word "Calcutta" evokes strong sentiments. Among most who have little experience with the city, there is revulsion. Some Europeans and Americans who visit the city come and leave with expectations unrevised. Coming to see poverty and squalor, they see it. Some hate it; others discover a lost simplicity. The former take refuge in 5-Star hotels and room service; the latter go to Mother Teresa's various homes or Jack Preger's clinic. A few remain in the confines of Sudder Street (enclave of the "budget traveller") and enjoy fleeting moments of intoxication amid what they perceive as the "basics". Günter Grass, who once deigned to call himself a resident, sits beneath his mosquito net and dreams of Calcutta as he informs us to "develop a new dialectic from Calcutta's contradictions". As if Calcutta's contradictions are unique; as if there are not already dialectical explanations available to assist those truly at work on the reconstruction of the place and its inhabitants.
John Hutnyk's book does not tell us of the visions of the city among its long-term inhabitants. His book introduces the people who travel to South Asia on a budget, mostly from North America, Europe and Australia. "Budget travellers" come not to bask in the glory of the Raj, but to explore the underbelly of Asia and to do some volunteer work as a means to assuage their guilt or redeem themselves. Despite their best motives, Hutnyk explains, these travellers do not question how they see the city. They have heard the "rumour of Calcutta, the imagery by which the city is known". For them the city is already "enframed". That is, these travellers already 'know' the city; this prior 'knowledge' frames their experiences and creates the general mood of their journey.
For instance, most "budget travellers" (like their 5-Star kin), see "Calcutta" as an emblem of poverty and misery. Certainly, there is much poverty in Calcutta and considerable visible despondency. Nevertheless, the "rumour of Calcutta" as poor is recent, having entered the Euro-American imagination in the 1960s when a set of events came together to catapult this "rumour" to dominance: the Hippies came to India to seek spiritual solace in simplicity and poverty; the food crisis turned many South Asian states to dependence upon "food aid"; Malcolm Muggeridge's Something Beautiful for God elevated Mother Teresa to sainthood, as the solitary figure sent to save the city from its poverty; finally, the legacy of Partition and of bourgeois state development within unreconstructed agrarian relations showed its limitations in the steady migration of dispossessed peasants from East Bengal (Bangladesh, in 1971) to the west. The idea of Calcutta-as-poverty emerges fully-fledged in Louis Malle's 1969 documentary, Calcutta and in Dominique Lapierre's bestseller and Roland Joffe's blockbuster, City of Joy. "Calcutta", now, functions in Euro-American thought as the very exemplar of Poverty.
The "good tourists" (who abjure the "veranda view" of the 5-Stars and packaged tours) offer themselves to NGOs to ameliorate poverty. Many are smart enough to know their own work does little. As Julia notes, her work appears sometimes like "putting band-aid on lepers in the hope of stopping capitalism". Hutnyk is very clear about these efforts (such as those of the Missionaries of Charity), arguing that the NGOs act "as a stopgap anti-revolutionary and counter-revolutionary placebo". Rather than confront the means of production of poverty, the "budget travellers" and the NGOs simply make horrendous conditions marginally better. Further, NGOs rarely educate the oppressed to understand the reasons for their exploitation and even less rarely are they encouraged to rebel. The predominant "imagery of decay" evokes the good works of the charity industry and makes invisible those communist organizations working to improve Calcutta by transforming the structures of its present (p. 115).
Concentration on poor children and on Mother Teresa obscures the struggles of poor families and of the communists to fight the nexus between the local elite and their international allies (some of whom, like Rupert Murdoch, created the myth of Mother Teresa). There was, for instance, little interest in the 20th anniversary of Communist rule in West Bengal this year and in the impressive results of the regime (notably in land reform, agrarian productivity and transformation of power relations in the countryside). The death of Mother Teresa, by contrast, was on the cover of most international periodicals. Of City of Joy, Hutnyk writes, "it is full of the kind of sentimentalism that serves to tell us that at least a few people in the world are still capable of 'good works' and charity, but also serves to render redundant any more analytical examination of exploitation, poverty and opportunism beyond simple good-versus-evil narratives". Within capitalism's technology of representation, charity makes opaque the value of the communist struggle.
Calcutta is "an experimental place", says Peter, offering a recipe for the city: "take mud, people, cows, buildings and heat and stir it up with the books of Marx and statues of Lenin". Even this vision does not have within it the hope of Bishnu Dey who, in Jal Dao (Give Me Water), writes of the city's desolation during Partition, yet offers us these powerful words: "We build the future on the tide of our own past/In our own present, on that bank and on this...". Futures are to be constructed, despite the ravages of imperialism. Within this "enframing", hopelessness and charity are not Calcutta's modes of being, but rather, in light of Calcutta, we are made to feel anger and solidarity. These are better "rumours" to live and struggle by.
(V. Prashad teaches international studies at Trinity College, USA and is a member of the Forum of Indian Leftists).
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Tatsuro Fujikura
No one has a clear view of all development enterprises in Nepal, much less control over the outcomes - not HMG, GOI, the World Bank nor any other major player. Overviews habitually decry a lack of 'reliable data', precluding determinate conclusions. Hence they are best read not as precise descriptions of sociopolitical realities, but - as literary critic Kenneth Burke recommended in another context - as creative works utilizing various rhetorical and logical strategies to name outstanding features of the situation, and "name them in a way that contains an attitude towards them." Such works, of course, often have substantial effects on the generation of new realities.
In 1996, anticipating substantial expansion of its aid to Nepal, the Norwegian Foreign Ministry commissioned a study, Development Aid to Nepal: A Summary of Experience, from the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies (NIAS). The book under review is "largely the same" as that report. Thus it can profitably be read as an indicator of likely directions for an increasingly significant donor, and for insights into the process of molding a foreign policy towards Nepali development. Though author Skar has substantial research experience in Nepal, given the impact of donor country policies, it is disheartening to learn that the study is based on "two researcher-months" and "eight days of hectic data collection in Nepal".
The book examines the energy, human rights, education, and health sectors. Its most forceful argument concerns energy development where it should, "always be a top priority for Norwegian inputsŠto support Nepalese competence building. This is the ultimate test against which all project proposals should be judged". Energy sector projects, from 1958 onward, by private Norwegians and the United Mission to Nepal (UMN) are assessed as "fairly successful" - among the most positive evaluations in the entire book. UMN-sponsored companies, engaged in small to mid-sized projects, serve as a model for accomplishing hydropower development while also transferring know-how "so that [Nepalis] can become less dependent on foreign assistance for future projects". Accordingly, the authors recommend Norwegian assistance for small, mid-sized, and micro hydropower projects, while dismissing large-scale ones as almost inevitably involving dominance of foreign expertise and capital, and technical, economic, and political uncertainties that might seriously undermine energy development in Nepal.
The authors suggest more tentative engagements in other sectors. Discussing human rights, they write that "Nepal's legal system is renowned for being highly corrupt and a hindrance rather than help in the life of ordinary Nepali citizens". They recommend support for local human rights NGOs, joining in the efforts by DANIDA and USAID on electoral issues, and support for "the peaceful understanding of ethnic diversity" (e.g., the Ethnographic Museum). Regarding education, the authors state it would be "prudent" for Norway to invest in the Basic Primary Education Project, regarded by many donors as a Śmodel', and where, accordingly, many donors have flocked. However, they also suggest that vocational training within high schools "may become an interesting and important development arena". Turning to health, the Ministry of Health (MOH) is described as "the most bureaucratic and inefficient ministry of all the 47 ministries in Nepal". Hence, rather than investing in MOH, the authors suggest direct financing of short-term projects through consultancy firms or networks established by UMN or Redd Barna. Arguing that sufficient trained rural health personnel, rather than simply more health posts, is the critical need, they recommend a separate study of possibilities for Norwegian-funded health personnel training.
Readers can benefit from clear presentations throughout of bureaucratic structures related to development projects and their funding sources. However, the authors also make many simplistic, and sometimes illogical statements on sociocultural matters, such as caste and ethnicity. For example, the fact that during the period of their research, the Minister of Law and Justice was a Tamang - whom, the authors explain, have low status in the caste hierarchy - is presented as evidence that human rights are accorded very little importance in Nepal. More generally, quoting heavily from the donors' side, the book creates a picture of rational, conscientious donors (from DANIDA to World Bank) struggling in the face of the irrational Nepali, beset by primordial sentiments and practices of aphno manchhe and chakari. This imaginative description of key players "that contains an attitude toward them", leaves no room for sustained analysis of how foreign aid practices themselves may have been transforming the Nepali sociocultural structure at a very deep level. Such analysis, in turn, may be essential if, as the authors of this book profess to believe, the ultimate test for "good" foreign aid is whether it helps to render foreign aid unnecessary.
(Tatsuro Fujikura is a doctoral candidate at the University of Chicago, USA, currently doing research on development in Nepal)
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